中国政改新动力Chinese whispers on political reform

For several years, a debate about political reform has been bubbling away in the upper echelons of China’s state apparatus. It has now received fresh fuel. Last week, the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Liu Xiaobo, a dissident. And on Tuesday a group of former party officials published a letter demanding an end to censorship in China. The Communist Party’s central committee, which convenes on Friday, could discuss changes to the country’s authoritarian brand of capitalism. This is a debate China’s people deserve.

多年来，在中国国家机器的最高层，有关政治改革的辩论一直掀不起多大波澜。然而最近这种辩论获得了新动力。上周，诺贝尔和平奖被授予中国异见人士刘晓波。而本周二，一群前党内高级干部发表了一封公开信，要求废除审查制度。将于周五召开的中共中央委员十七届五中全会，可能就改革中国的威权式资本主义制度展开讨论。对中国人民而言，这是一场值得进行的辩论。

Reformist hopes centre on Wen Jiabao, China’s prime minister, who has made supportive noises about political change. In April he praised a partly discredited liberal former leader, Hu Yaobang. And in an interview with CNN aired in the US (but not China) on October 3, he described democracy and freedom as “irresistible”. Having overseen China’s arrival as a global economic superpower, does Mr Wen plan to use the autumn of his premiership to usher in a period of political renewal?

改革派的希望集中在中国总理温家宝身上，他此前发表了一些支持政治改革的言论。4月份，他发文称赞已故前中共中央总书记胡耀邦，一位毁誉参半的自由派领导人。而在10月3日接受美国有线电视新闻网(CNN)采访时，温家宝表示，自由和民主是“无法阻挡的”。此次访谈在美国播出，但没有在中国播出。在温家宝的任期内，中国成为世界经济强国，那么，他是否计划利用自己总理任期的最后两年，开创一个政治革新的时代呢？

While it would be nice to think so, a big caveat should be entered. Public support from Chinese politicians for democracy and human rights is often little more than lip service. Even if Mr Wen is sincere, he may be thwarted. In the short term, Mr Liu’s Nobel prize may have strengthened the hand of China’s conservatives. More broadly, the country’s success in weathering the economic crisis has reinforced the belief within the Communist Party that its type of authoritarian capitalism trumps the west’s blend of political and economic freedom.

尽管这种想法很好，但不要忘了重要的一点。中国政治家对民主和人权的公开支持，往往只是停留在口头上。即使温家宝是真诚的，他也可能难以如愿。短期内，刘晓波获奖可能会增强中国保守派的力量。更宽泛地讲，中国在应对经济危机上取得的成功，强化了中共内部的一种信念：即中国式的威权资本主义制度，要好过西方那种政治自由与经济自由相融合的模式。

Chinese reformers should not be deflected. China’s spectacular economic growth may have been achieved without political reforms. But ultimately, political repression does not work. It treats the symptoms of social discontent while leaving the causes to fester. And it is harmful: last year’s child-deaths from toxic milk were an illustration of the price China pays for its system, which provides too few checks and balances to the actions of over-mighty corporations and officials. Requiring citizens to petition Beijing is an inadequate mechanism in the complex modern society China aspires to be.

中国的改革者们应当坚定不移。中国或许是在没有进行政治改革的情况下，实现了令人瞩目的经济增长。但归根结底，政治压制是行不通的。这种做法只针对社会不满的表面症状，却任由病根溃烂。这会产生不良后果：去年的毒奶粉导致幼儿死亡事件，就是中国为其政治体制付出的代价之一，这种体制对于势力过于庞大的企业和官员缺乏足够的制衡。让公民向中央政府请愿的机制，在中国渴望成为的那种复杂的现代社会中，是远远不够的。

Freedom of expression and association are mankind’s universal birthright. China’s constitution guarantees them. Beijing should honour this pledge. Denying citizens such rights betrays insecurity, not strength. Until the authority of China’s leaders is based on popular sovereignty, this insecurity will remain.

言论与集社自由是所有人与生俱来的权利。中国宪法也保护这些权利。中国政府应遵守这一誓约。剥夺公民的此类权利，是不安全感、而非实力的体现。如果中国领导人的权威不能建立于“主权在民”(popular sovereignty)的基础之上，这种不安全感将一直存在。