Thursday, February 17, 2011

穷,也要站在富人堆里!

一位学者到大学去讲学。这时,一个迟到的听众递上一张纸条,问什么是犹太商法。很多听讲的人在窃笑,以为迟到者会受到嘲讽。但学者却对迟到的人说:“我在解释之前,先向你提三个问题吧。”

第一个问题,如果有两个犹太人掉进了一个大烟囱,其中一个身上满是烟灰,而另一个却很干净,那么他们谁会去洗澡?
“当然是那个身上脏的人!”
“错!那个被弄脏的人看到身上干净的人,认为自己一定也是干净的,而干净的人看到脏人,认为自己可能和他一样脏,所以是干净的人要去洗澡。”

第二个问题,他们后来又掉进了那个大烟囱,情况和上次一样,哪一个会去澡堂?
“这还用说吗,是那个干净的人!”
“又错了!干净的人上一次洗澡时发现自己并不脏,而那个脏人则明白了干净的人为什么要去洗澡,所以这次脏人去了。”

第三个问题,他们再一次掉进大烟囱,去洗澡的是哪一个?
“这?是那个脏人。不,是那个干净的人!”
“你还是错了!你见过两个人一起掉进同一个烟囱,结果一个干净、一个脏的事情吗?”

黑压压的听众一时寂静,只有手岛佑郎的声音在回响着:“这就是犹太商法,这就是《穷,也要站在富人堆里?!》的灵魂!穷是一种切肤没齿的感受,富是一种矜持倨傲的状态。穷人赞羡富人积累财富的结果,却忽略了富人通达财路的智慧。”
“穷到富的转变是大多数人憧憬的,但没有致富的思想和手段,富有殷实只是聊以自?的幻想。穷人不能只是慨叹命运不济。穷人只有站在富人堆里,汲取他们致富的思想,比肩他们成功的状态,才能真正实现致富的目标。”

“干运河”的竞争力 Bogotá eyes ‘dry canal’ to rival Panama route

Every few hours, on the causeway across Panama’s Lake Gatun, a diesel engine comes into view, hauling wagonloads of containers stacked two high.

在巴拿马加通湖的堤道上,每隔几小时就会驶来一列柴油机车,满载着堆叠成两层的集装箱。

They are making the 80km journey between the Atlantic and Pacific on the Panama Canal Railway, opened in 1855, which proudly boasts of being the world’s first trans-continental rail line.

它们是在巴拿马运河铁路(Panama Canal Railway)上作横跨大西洋与太平洋的旅行。该铁路于1855年开通,比运河提前了59年,全长80公里,骄傲地宣称自己是世界上第一条跨大陆铁路线。

The causeway takes the railway, opened 59 years before the canal, across a vast artificial lake created during canal construction.

加通湖堤道承载着铁路线,穿过了修建运河期间开辟的巨大人工湖。

Colombia’s plans to build its own, Chinese-financed rail line across the isthmus raise questions about the demand for a second inter-oceanic rail line within this relatively small area of central America.

哥伦比亚计划接受中国出资,修建自己跨越巴拿马地峡的铁路线。该计划引出了一个问题:在这个相对较小的中美洲地区,是否需要建设第二条连接两个大洋的铁路线。

The Path Between the Seas, David McCullough’s history of the canal’s building, highlights the risks. Initially hugely profitable, the Panama railway saw much of its business disappear in 1869 when the US’s first trans-continental railroad became a cheaper, faster alternative for much of its traffic.

大卫•麦卡洛夫(David McCullough)记述巴拿马运河修建史的《沟通大洋之河》(The Path Between the Seas)一书,突显了这些风险。巴拿马铁路起初利润很高,但到1869年,当美国的首条跨大陆铁路线成为一种更廉价、更快捷的交通方式时,巴拿马铁路便失去了大部分业务。

The key point, according to Rodolfo Sabonge, the Panama Canal Authority’s vice-president for research, will be whether the “dry canal” enables shippers to receive goods more quickly or more cheaply. Mr Sabonge says he remains more concerned about competition from US railroads, which let shippers land Asian manufactured goods in California and send them by rail to eastern US cities.

巴拿马运河管理局(Panama Canal Authority)研究副总裁鲁道夫•沙宝基(Rodolfo Sabonge)表示,关键在于“干运河”能否缩短运货时间,降低运货成本。沙宝基称,他仍然更担心来自美国铁路的竞争,因为发货人可以将亚洲制造的商品卸在加州,然后通过铁路运送至美国东部的各个城市。

The rail route costs more than the “all-water” route to the east coast via Panama, but is quicker.

相比于经由巴拿马去往东海岸的“全水路”路线,铁路线虽然成本更高,但速度也更快。

“That’s a system that makes sense because it really saves time,” Mr Sabonge says.

沙宝基表示:“那个系统是合理的,因为它确实能节省时间。”

Ideas for new routes across the tantalisingly narrow Panamanian isthmus are not new, however. A canal across Nicaragua, linking up its natural lakes, came close to being built in the early 20th century, before the US decided to concentrate on Panama.

然而,在异常狭窄的巴拿马地峡上修建新路线的想法早已有之。20世纪初,在美国开凿巴拿马运河之前,一条跨越尼加拉瓜全境、将境内天然湖泊连接起来的运河,就差点动工修建。

Enrique Bolaños, then president of Nicaragua, sought to revive the Nicaragua Canal scheme in 2006 when the Panama Canal was close to capacity. “It is not only feasible but it is necessary,” he said.

2006年,当巴拿马运河运力接近极限时,时任尼加拉瓜总统里克•博拉尼奥斯(Enrique Bolaños)曾打算重启尼加拉瓜运河计划。他表示:“这项计划不仅可行,而且必要。”

The Panama Railway certainly shows the potential role for a cross-isthmus railway. Ships transiting the canal can make only one stop to drop off containers destined both for Pacific ports in Latin America and those in the Caribbean.

巴拿马铁路无疑展示了跨地峡铁路的潜在功能。穿过巴拿马运河的船只需停留一站,就可卸下运往拉美太平洋港口与加勒比海港口的集装箱。

But the challenge may be to make the economics of a railway designed to supplant the canal add up. One veteran shipping executive, who asked not to be named, points out that the container moves at either end of the “dry canal” are likely to cost $200 each. Charges for the rail portion will be at least $100. The figures compare with an average fee per container of about $100 for use of the canal.

但挑战也许在于,如何能让旨在取代运河的铁路线增加经济效益。一位要求匿名的资深航运高管指出,在“干运河”的任何一端,每只集装箱的搬运费用可能高达200美元。铁路部分的运费将至少为100美元。而如果使用运河,每只集装箱的平均费用约为100美元。

The logistics of moving whole shiploads of containers could also be daunting. The Panama Canal is currently in the middle of a $5.25bn expansion to double its capacity and accommodate modern container ships carrying 12,000 twenty-foot equivalent units of containers. Even if the dry canal’s trains can carry more than the 270 TEU of a fully laden Panama Canal Railway train, a 12,000 TEU shipload might take 30 trains to move.

搬运整船集装箱所需的物流可能也会令人生畏。巴拿马运河目前正在进行52.5亿美元的扩建,以便将运力提高一倍,并可容纳装载1.2万只标准箱的现代集装箱船只。即使“干运河”列车能够装载的集装箱,比一列巴拿马运河铁路列车满载的270只标准箱还多,1.2万只标准箱大概也需要30列列车。

“Even if you could run 20 to 30 trains a day, that’s just one ship,” the veteran shipping executive points out. Such daunting logistical and financial challenges make most observers sceptical that a multi-billion dollar “dry canal” could realistically compete with an expanded traditional canal.

前文提到的资深高管指出:“即使你一天能发20到30列列车,那也就只是一船而已。”这些令人生畏的物流与财务挑战,让大多数观察人士不禁怀疑,与运力提高后的传统运河相比,投资数十亿美元建设“干运河”是否具有现实的竞争力。

Yet, in an area whose geography has inspired improbable intervention from outsiders, few will dismiss the chance of unexpected twists in the story.

不过,在一个地理上易守难攻的地区,几乎没有人敢排除故事出现意外转折的可能性。

维基解密:美国曾向华为供应商施压 US ‘tried to press Huawei suppliers’

US diplomats tried to stop sensitive technology being acquired by Huawei, the Chinese telecommunications equipment maker, by putting pressure on potential suppliers in Europe, according to cables released by the WikiLeaks website.

根据维基解密(WikiLeaks)网站披露的外交密电,美国外交官曾通过向欧洲潜在供应商施压,试图阻止中国电信设备生产商华为(Huawei)获取敏感技术。

By putting the spotlight on Spirent Communications in the UK and Philips in the Netherlands over their potential dealings with Huawei, US officials have underlined how the Chinese group has become an irritant for Sino-US relations.

围绕英国思博伦通信(Spirent Communications)和荷兰飞利浦公司(Philips)与华为的潜在交易,美国官员让这两家公司受到了人们的注意。这种做法突出表明,华为已经成为中美关系中的一根“芒刺”。

The Chinese group has been campaigning to convince US officials that it is transparent and independent from the country’s army since it was forced to abandon a joint takeover of its US rival 3Com in 2008 amid national security concerns.

自从2008年美国政府以国家安全考虑为由,迫使华为放弃对美国同行3Com的联合收购行动以后,华为一直致力于游说美国官员,力图使他们相信华为是一家透明、独立于中国军方的企业。

US suspicions that Huawei is closely linked to the People’s Liberation Army were reinforced by one cable in 2007, in which a Chinese source is quoted alleging that the company was involved in foreign arms sales.

美方怀疑华为与中国人民解放军(PLA)存在密切关系。2007年的一封密电更是加深了这种疑虑,密电中援引一位中国消息人士的话说,华为参与了中国武器出口。

US officials said the source told them that the sister of a high-ranking Chinese army officer was “involved in arms sales to foreign countries through Huawei and other military or quasi-military companies on whose boards she sat”. But no details were provided to back up this claim, which Huawei denied on Monday.

美国官员称,这位消息人士告诉他们,一位中国高级将领的姐姐(或妹妹)“参与通过华为及其他军事或半军事企业向外国出售武器的活动,她本人在这些公司担任董事”。但密电中没有任何可以支持这一说法的细节。华为周一对此予以否认。

Huawei’s website says: “Huawei is a fully employee-owned privately held company. The Chinese government and PLA do not hold any shares in Huawei. Huawei . . . has never researched, developed, manufactured or sold any technology or product for military applications.”

华为网站上声明:“华为是一家完全由员工持股的民营企业。中国政府和人民解放军并未持有华为的任何股份。华为……从未研究、开发、生产或销售任何用于军事用途的技术或产品。”

The Chinese group has said it has felt persecuted. In 2008, US diplomats said Huawei had asked them whether it was “being singled out by the US government” because its staff, including its chief executive, were only being granted single-entry visas.

华为曾表示,觉得自己受到了迫害。在2008年,美国外交官表示,华为曾经问过他们,华为是否“被美国政府挑了出来”,因为包括首席执行官在内的华为员工,都只能拿到单次入境签证。

James Lewis, a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington who is an expert on US-China security issues said: “The US tried for a long time to limit sales of advanced manufacturing equipment to China [from foreign countries and companies] but the problem with that is no one would ever co-operate with us. It’s not US policy any more”. He said he did not believe Huawei sold arms.

华盛顿美国战略与国际问题研究中心(Center for Strategic and International Studies)高级研究员、美中安全问题专家詹姆斯·刘易斯(James Lewis)表示:“美国长期以来一直试图限制先进生产设备(通过其它国家和企业)销往中国,但问题是没有人会和我们合作。这不再是一项美国政策。”他表示,自己不认为华为销售武器。

Several cables noted that Huawei has won a string of big contracts around the world, including Mexico, Zimbabwe and Sri Lanka, boosted by generous Chinese-backed “vendor financing” packages and legwork by Chinese embassies. In 2008, the US State Department asked its embassy in London to run a “blue lantern” defence industry background check on Spirent, the UK telecom equipment maker, over its plan to export technical data on the global positioning system from the US.

数封密电提到,得益于中方慷慨的“供应商融资”(vendor financing)方案,加上中国大使馆的牵线搭桥,华为在世界各地赢得了一连串大笔合约,包括墨西哥、津巴布韦和斯里兰卡。2008年,美国国防部要求美国驻伦敦大使馆就英国电信设备生产商思博伦拟从美国出口全球定位系统相关技术数据计划,对该公司展开“蓝灯”(blue lantern)国防工业背景调查。

In a separate cable from 2004, a US official reported that he had told Dutch counterparts that Philips should be cautious about selling telecoms equipment to Huawei, because of fears it could be passed to the Chinese military.

在2004年的另一封密电中,一位美国官员报告称,他已经知会荷兰同级别官员,飞利浦对于向华为销售电信设备一事应该慎重,因为担心设备会落入中国军方之手。

Philips said it no longer made the components in question, having sold Philips Semiconductor in 2006. Spirent said: “All supply to China is in the knowledge of the UK government and fully compliant with US and UK export regulations.” The US State Department declined to comment.

飞利浦表示,自从2006年卖掉Philips Semiconductor之后,它已不再生产该款设备的元件。思博伦则表示:“向中方供应的所有产品都在英国政府知情范围内,也完全符合美国和英国的相关出口规定。”美国国防部拒绝就此置评。

最新简氏防务周刊Jane's Defence Weekly 2011-02-16下载

下载:http://yunfile.com/file/zhaothomas/26d98d79/

http://www.xun6.com/file/0d69f0114/Jane%27s+Defence+Weekly+2011-02-16.pdf.html

在线浏览:http://www.doc88.com/zhaotong-doc-118637-11-1.html

于1984年创刊,现已成为简氏集团名气最大的旗舰出版物。该周刊以报道军事和安全事务为主,读者主要是政府、军方和工商界负责防务的决策者。杂志编辑部只有15名编辑,其中3名在华盛顿、1名在曼谷,本部的11名编辑也分别来自英国、美国、加拿大以及荷兰等国家。与之相比,周刊撰稿人队伍却非常庞大,有近70名特约记者遍布全球各地。该杂志的成功秘诀主要有两点:一个是树立起客观公正的形象。不论是对西方国家还是其他国家,均力求不偏不倚,至少做到没有明显的偏见。另一个则是要建立可靠的官方信息渠道。

Jane's Defence Weekly2011-02-16

意大利将开庭审理贝卢斯科尼性交易案 Berlusconi ordered to stand trial in prostitute case

Italy’s political crisis intensified on Tuesday when a judge ordered Silvio Berlusconi to stand trial on charges of paying for sex with an underage prostitute and abuse of office.

意大利政治危机周二进一步加剧,一位法官下令该国总理西尔维奥•贝卢斯科尼(Silvio Berlusconi)接受庭审,罪名是与未成年女性进行性交易和滥用职权。

A Milan examining judge accepted a request from prosecutors, who said they had sufficient evidence concerning a “significant” number of prostitutes, to proceed to an immediate trial of the 74-year-old prime minister without holding a preliminary hearing. The case will begin on April 6.

意大利检方称,他们掌握了涉及“大量”妓女的充足证据。米兰的一位预审法官接受了检方的请求,在不进行预审的情况下,对这位现年74岁的总理启动快速审理程序。此案将于4月6日开庭。

The charges carry a maximum combined 15-year jail term. A panel of three women judges will preside over the trial.

这些罪名最多可带来共计15年的刑期。一个由三位女法官组成的审判庭将开庭审理此案。

Although Mr Berlusconi does not need to face the court in person, the prospect of prolonged exposure to damaging charges of such a personal nature risks further undermining his weakened government. Only three votes saved him from parliamentary defeat in December. Senior government officials accused the judiciary of attacking “democracy” and rejected calls by opposition leaders for the prime minister to resign. Hundreds of thousands of Italians rallied against the government on Sunday.

尽管贝卢斯科尼不必亲自出庭,但长时间受到此种针对个人的负面指控,有可能进一步危害到本已脆弱的政府。去年12月份,他仅仅凭借3票的微弱优势,避免了在议会选举中落败。一些政府高官指责司法部门攻击“民主”,并拒绝了反对派领袖呼吁总理辞职的要求。上周日,数十万意大利民众举行了反政府示威活动。

“Italy needs a government that governs. Italy must quickly recover its international credibility,” Dario Franceschini, of the opposition Democratic party, told parliament.

“意大利需要一个治理国家的政府。意大利必须迅速恢复其国际信誉,”反对党民主党领导人达里奥·弗兰切斯基尼(Dario Franceschini)向议会表示。

华为僵局考验奥巴马政府 Huawei stand-off raises questions over US-China relations

Late last summer, officials working for a secretive US government committee that vets foreign takeovers on national security grounds came across a puzzling find during what one insider said was a routine review of Huawei, a company that was prominent on the government’s radar screen.

去年夏末,美国政府一个秘密委员会的官员们在对华为(Huawei)进行的、被一位内部人士称为“例行检查”的评估中,无意间得到了一个令人费解的发现。这个委员会专门以国家安全为依据,调查外国企业的收购案。而华为一直是美国政府高度关注的目标。

The officials stumbled across the LinkedIn page of one of the founders of a company called 3 Leaf, a California-based maker of cloud computing technology, who was listed as a “Huawei consultant”, according to the person’s account.

这些官员偶然发现了一家名为3 Leaf的公司的创始人之一在社交网站LinkedIn上的页面。3 Leaf总部位于加州,是一家云计算技术制造商,而这位创始人的账户资料显示,他的职务为“华为顾问”。

The discovery was the first indication for the Committee on Foreign Investment (Cfius) that Huawei, a company that had been forced to abandon a bid for a US technology company two years earlier because of objections by the review panel, had made another – albeit minor – acquisition without informing the panel.

这一发现让美国外国投资委员会(Cfius)意识到,华为在没有告知该委员会的情况下,又进行了另一宗收购,尽管交易的规模不大。就在两年前,由于该审查小组的反对,华为被迫放弃了对一家美国技术公司的竞购。

It was especially confounding because Huawei officials had recently made assurances to the Department of Defence that it was embarking on a new era of transparency. At the time, Huawei was pushing to win a large telecommunications contract with Sprint of the US, and the company’s activities were being closely monitored.

由于此前不久,华为高管曾向美国国防部保证,自己将迈入一个更加透明的新时期,因此这一发现就格外令人不解。那段时间里,华为正积极活动,以期赢得美国Sprint公司的一份巨额电信合同,因此行动一直受到密切监视。

A flurry of activity followed, including a move by Cfius to force Huawei to file the $2m deal, which it had already closed. There were tense exchanges between the company’s attorneys and officials within the US government, which culminated in a virtually unprecedented move by Huawei on Monday night.

随后美国方面采取了一系列行动,Cfius强迫华为上报了这宗200万美元、已完成的交易。华为律师与美国政府官员之间发生了摩擦,而华为周一晚采取的一个可谓前所未有的举动,把事情推向了高潮。

The company decided to bypass the recommendation of Cfius that it walk away from the deal and moved instead to seek a final judgment by President Barack Obama. The decision astounded many Washington lawyers who specialise in cross-border deals.

华为决定,忽视Cfius发出的让它放弃交易的建议,转而寻求美国总统巴拉克•奥巴马(Barack Obama)的最终裁决。这一决定令华盛顿许多专门处理跨境交易的律师大吃一惊。

“This is brinkmanship,” said one veteran attorney who asked not to be named. “[For Huawei] to say ‘we are going to appeal to the president over the recommendation of his national security advisers’, which is what Cfius is, is stunning.”

“这是在冒险,”一位要求不具名的资深律师表示。“(华为)就好像在说,我们将恳请美国总统对他的国家安全顾问(即Cfius)的建议做出裁决,这太令人震惊了。”

Investigations by Cfius are classified and the panel does not always alert companies to the precise nature of its concerns. Its decisions cannot be challenged in court.

Cfius的调查属于机密事务,它并不一定会提醒公司它调查的确切所指。调查对象也无法在法庭上挑战该委员会的决定。

But independent analysts have suggested that the panel was particularly concerned about a perceived pattern of obfuscation by the company. Huawei itself has acknowledged the Cfius was concerned about the apparent attempt to avoid review. Huawei declined to comment on Tuesday. But the company has said that it was advised by local attorneys in California at the time that it did not need to file the purchase of 3 Leaf patents for Cfius review because it did not meet the threshold for review.

但一些独立分析师暗示,该调查小组认为华为一直在混淆问题。华为自己承认,Cfius担心的是它试图规避审查的明显举动。华为周二拒绝置评。但该公司已表示,当初,该公司聘请的加州当地律师建议,不必将购买3 Leaf公司专利权的交易上报给Cfius审查,因为交易规模尚不够审查门槛。

Some outside observers expressed surprise that a company which knew it was under close scrutiny by the US government had decided not to notify it of the deal.

一些局外观察人士表示,一家清楚自己处于美国政府严密监视之下的公司,却决定不上报交易,这实在令人惊讶。

In Beijing, the current stand-off is seen by some as evidence of discrimination against Chinese companies.

在北京,目前的僵局则被一些人视为美国歧视中国企业的证据。

“Huawei has clearly hit a brick wall in the US. They played the game but it is clear that they’re not invited,” said Duncan Clark, chairman of BDA, the Beijing-based technology consultancy.

北京科技咨询公司BDA董事长邓肯•克拉克(Duncan Clark)表示:“华为显然在美国遭到了阻力。他们想要公平地参加游戏,但显然不受欢迎。”

It also raises the possibility of retaliatory moves by China.

这一事件也提高了中国方面采取报复行动的可能性。

China’s antitrust regulator has yet to approve the proposed acquisition of Motorola’s wireless network infrastructure assets by Nokia Siemens Networks.

中国的反垄断监管机构尚未批准诺基亚西门子通信(Nokia Siemens Networks)收购摩托罗拉(Motorola)无线网络基础设施的交易。

“These things can make this a political or trade issue, and that is not helpful for anyone involved,” said a Chinese government official who asked not to be named.

一名要求不具名的中国政府官员表示:“这些事情会让这个问题上升到一个政治或贸易的高度,对于所有相关方而言都没有好处。”

ZTE, Huawei’s smaller Chinese peer, also sought and failed to win a piece of the Sprint contract last year. It has complained of unfair treatment in the US, pointing to the fact that it offered better conditions than the ultimate winner, Ericsson.

华为规模较小的一个同行——中兴通讯(ZTE)去年也曾试图获得一部分Sprint合约,但以失败告终。该公司抱怨在美国遭到了不公平对待,指出自己开出的条件要优于最终的获胜者爱立信(Ericsson)。

For Mr Obama, looking tough against a Chinese company has a political upside, especially in Congress, where lawmakers have voiced deep concerns about Huawei’s alleged ties to the Chinese military. Huawei has denied such ties. However, the stand-off raises questions for the administration’s stated goal of improving relations with China.

对于奥巴马而言,对一家中国企业采取强硬态度能捞到政治好处,尤其是在国会——华为据称与中国军方关系密切,这让国会议员们深感不安。华为拒绝承认这种关系的存在。但目前的僵局不禁让人对奥巴马政府提出的改善中美关系的目标提出质疑。

Nova Daly, a former Cfius official under the George W. Bush administration who is now a consultant at the Wiley Rein law firm, said Huawei still had time to back off from its decision, agree a security arrangement with the government and spare itself a negative decision by Mr Obama.

小布什(George W. Bush)政府时期的Cfius官员诺瓦•戴利(Nova Daly)表示,华为仍有时间撤销其决定、同意与美国政府签署安全协议,以避免最终收到奥巴马的反对决定。戴利目前为卫理(Wiley Rein)律师事务所顾问。

If it does not change course, he said: “The president politically will be in an extremely difficult position to do anything but block it.”

戴利表示,如果华为不撤销决定,“除了阻止这一交易,其它任何决定都会让奥巴马在政治上陷入异常为难的境地。”

中国撤离美国国债引发不安 China’s pull-back paints an unsettling interest rate picture

It is no secret that China’s appetite for Treasuries has been waning. Official figures now bear out Beijing’s stated desire to diversify away from US government debt.

中国对美国国债的兴趣一直在减退,这并不是秘密。官方数据如今证实了中国政府已经公开申明的意愿:减少对美国政府债务的购买,实现投资多样化。

The market impact is likely to be muted for now, given the Federal Reserve’s bond-buying under its “quantitative easing” programme. But what happens when QE2 ends in June? Beijing’s pull-back may then become noticeable.

鉴于美联储(Fed)正根据“定量宽松”计划购买债券,中国政府的撤退目前可能对市场影响不大。但到6月份第二轮定量宽松(QE2)结束时会怎样呢?影响也许会变得非常明显。

The US Treasury market occupies the centre of the global financial system. It is the deepest and most liquid bond market in the world, and demand from central banks and institutional investors, including private sector banks and hedge funds, has allowed the American government to finance its multibillion-dollar budget deficits.

美国国债市场在全球金融体系中占据着中心位置。它是全球发展最完善、流动性最强的债券市场,来自央行以及包括私人部门银行和对冲基金在内的机构投资者的需求,使美国政府得以为其数十亿美元的预算赤字提供资金。

Indeed, the US is more dependent than other countries on foreign investors buying its debt. The UK, Italy and Japan are largely funded by domestic investors. So far, robust demand for Treasuries from the UK and, to a lesser extent, Japan and US domestic investors has helped offset China’s waning appetite over the past year. The Fed effect has been supportive, too. The US central bank has become the largest single holder of Treasuries, with $1,160bn, as it continues buying securities.

事实上,美国比其他国家更加依赖外国投资者购买其债务。英国、意大利与日本的资金主要来自国内投资者。迄今为止,英国、日本(程度稍轻些)及美国国内投资者对美国国债的旺盛需求,帮助抵消了过去一年中国兴趣减退的影响。美联储也起到了支持作用。随着美联储继续购买美国国债,这家美国央行已成为美国国债最大的持有者,持有额达到1.16万亿美元。

But as Barack Obama, US president, attempts to tackle the country’s burgeoning deficit with austere budget proposals, there are growing worries that the cost of servicing the national debt could grow. At some stage, US interest rates may jump sharply to keep attracting buyers of Treasury debt.

但在美国总统巴拉克•奥巴马(Barack Obama)试图以严厉的预算提案解决本国不断扩大的赤字之际,人们却越来越担忧,国家债务的偿债成本可能会上升。到了某个阶段,为了继续吸引美国国债的买家,美国也许不得不大幅加息。

“The low level of yields currently may not be attractive and in the future the Treasury may need a higher real rate to attract capital,” says Gerald Lucas, senior investment adviser at Deutsche Bank. Treasury yields, which move inversely to bond prices, are already rising. Ten-year yields rose to 3.77 per cent last week, their highest since April, extending a three-month bear run from about 2.5 per cent.

德意志银行(Deutsche Bank)高级投资顾问杰拉尔德•卢卡斯(Gerald Lucas)表示:“当前低水平的收益率可能不够有吸引力,将来,美国也许需要提高美国国债的实际收益率,以吸引资金。”美国国债收益率(走势与价格相反)目前已经在上升。两年期美国国债收益率上周升至3.77%,创下去年4月以来的最高水平,延续了从约2.5%以来为期三个月的上涨势头。

Among the major foreign holders of Treasury debt, China has long been the largest and is seen as a bellwether of foreign investor participation. China ended 2010 with $891bn in Treasuries, extending its drop from a record high of $940bn in July 2009.

在美国国债的主要外国持有者中,中国长期以来一直是最大的持有者,而且被视为外国投资者参与的领头羊。2010年底,中国持有美国国债8910亿美元,延续了自2009年7月创下9400亿美元纪录以来的下降趋势。

“The upward march in Chinese reserves has been accompanied by reduced participation in the Treasury market over the past year,” say analysts at TD Securities. “The implications for the US are not particularly daunting yet, but are nevertheless a bit troubling.”

道明证券(TD Securities)的分析师表示:“过去一年,中国外汇储备的上升势头伴随着对美国国债市场参与度的减少。对美国的影响虽然算不上特别吓人,但也有些令人担忧。”

US households, hedge funds, banks and private pension funds have increased their Treasury holdings in the past two years (see chart). But, as the economy recovers and inflation picks up, there is a risk these investors will seek better returns from other assets, equities for example, and not government debt.

过去两年,美国家庭、对冲基金、银行和私人养老基金增加了美国国债持有量(见图表)。但随着经济复苏、通胀抬头,这些投资者可能会转向其它资产(比如股票,而非政府债券),以求获得更好的回报。

The significance has not escaped policymakers and key players in the bond market: US debt servicing costs will amount to $240bn for the 2011 fiscal year, equivalent to the entire budget deficit in 2006, according to RBS estimates.

政策制定者与债券市场的关键参与者注意到了这种趋势的重要性:据苏格兰皇家银行(RBS)估计,美国2011财政年度的偿债成本将达到2400亿美元,相当于2006年全年的预算赤字。

This month a group of bond market experts, representing some of the biggest banks and hedge funds investing in Treasuries, voiced its concern about the reliance on foreign buyers for purchasing a large slice of the country’s $9,000bn in outstanding government securities.

美国9万亿美元政府债券余额中,有一大部分要依赖外国投资者购买——对此,一群代表投资于美国国债的大型银行与对冲基金的债券市场专家本月表达了自己的担忧。

“Foreign ownership of Treasury debt was significant, with ownership concentrated among a few key foreign investors,” said the minutes from a meeting of the Treasury borrowing advisory committee. “A more diversified debt holder base would prepare the Treasury for a potential decline in foreign participation.”

美国财政部借款顾问委员会(TBAC)的会议纪要显示:“外国持有的美国国债数额巨大,所有权集中在少数几个关键的外国投资者手中。一个更为多样化的债券持有者的构成,将帮助美国国债为外国参与度可能下降做好准备。”

One proposal advocated at the meeting for diversifying the base of investors would entail the Treasury issuing new securities, including “callable” debt, ultra-long bonds with maturities of up to 100 years and floating rate debt, on which payments to investors would rise and fall with inflation.

会议上提出了一项实现投资者构成多样化的提案,包括由财政部发行新证券,包括“可赎回”债券、期限长达100年的超长期债券,以及利息跟随通胀涨跌的浮动利率债券。

These securities could appeal to domestic investors, particularly prospective retirees. They could also enjoy increased demand from banks and pension funds as a result of new international banking rules and proposed reforms to pensions accounting. The advisory committee estimates demand for long-term US bonds could reach $2,400bn in the next five years as these new rules take effect. The alternative, should yields rise sharply, could be discomforting for taxpayers.

这些证券可能会吸引国内投资者,尤其是即将退休的人。由于国际银行业新规的推行与养老金会计制度拟议的改革,银行与养老金对它们的需求可能也会增加。财政部借款顾问委员会估计,未来5年,随着新规的生效,美国长期债券的需求可能会达到2.4万亿美元。而万一收益率大幅上升,另一个选择则可能令纳税人感到不安。

涨薪潮冲击中国“制造中心”地位 China’s rising wage bill poses risk of relocation

Han Zheng, the mayor of Shanghai, has just delivered a pleasant surprise to the city’s workers: their minimum wage is to rise by more than 10 per cent in April.

上海市市长韩正刚刚为上海工人送上了一个惊喜:今年4月,他们的最低工资标准将上调10%以上。

No one will be getting rich – the new rate amounts to a less than princely Rmb1,232 ($187) a month. But Mr Han’s announcement is part of an emerging trend. Chinese officials are seeking to head off a repeat of last year’s labour unrest amid fears that persistent and rising inflation could provide a further irritant in wage discussions.

没有人会因此富起来——新标准称不上丰厚,每月为1232元人民币(合187美元)。然而,韩正宣布的消息凸显了一个日益清晰的趋势。中国官员正设法预防去年的罢工潮重现,他们担心通胀率的顽固上涨,可能会给围绕薪资的讨论增加火药。

In a rash of disputes between May and August, employers were hit by strikes or other problems, including Honda’s Chinese subsidiary and some of its China-based Japanese suppliers, such as Omron.

去年5月至8月期间,由于劳资纷争的接连爆发,一些企业受到了罢工等问题的冲击。受影响企业包括本田(Honda)的中国子公司,以及为该公司供货的一些在华日资公司,如欧姆龙(Omron)。

The outcome was a wave of pay rises, notably a 30 per cent increase at Foxconn, the Taiwanese owned manufacturer of electronic products such as Apple’s iPad, after a spate of suicides drew attention to working conditions.

结果是,企业掀起了一轮涨薪潮,其中最为令人瞩目的是富士康(Foxconn)。在多起员工自杀事件引起人们对其劳动条件的关注之后,这家生产苹果(Apple)的iPad等电子产品的台资企业将员工薪资上调了30%。

Shanghai is not alone in moving early to head off further unrest this year. Beijing’s municipal government raised minimum wages by 21 per cent in January, and the southern province of Guangdong is also considering a rise.

上海不是唯一提早采取行动、以防今年再发生工潮的城市。北京市政府在1月份将最低工资标准上调了21%,广东省也正在考虑提高最低工资标准。

The increases are likely to reignite debate about whether China’s rising wages will prompt companies to shift production to other locations in emerging Asia. Plenty of business leaders think they may.

涨薪潮可能会重燃一种讨论,即中国工资上涨会不会促使企业把生产转移到亚洲其他新兴地区。许多企业领导人认为自己有可能这么做。

Matt Rubel, chief executive of Collective Brands, the US footwear group that owns the Payless shoe stores chain, is shifting a chunk of production from China to Indonesia, south- east Asia’s largest economy.

旗下拥有Payless连锁鞋店的美国鞋业集团Collective Brands正着手将相当大一部分生产从中国转移到东南亚最大的经济体——印度尼西亚。

“The utopia for one stop sourcing for quality and low price has been China . . . but utopias never last,” says Mr Rubel.

该公司首席执行官马特•鲁贝尔(Matt Rubel)表示:“中国一直是一站式采购质优价廉商品的乌托邦……但乌托邦从来不会长久。”

Harry Lee, chief executive of Tal Apparel, a Hong Kong garment maker, takes a similar view.

香港联业制衣集团(Tal Apparel)首席执行官李乃熺(Harry Lee)与他所见略同。

“Five years ago, if you asked me the best place to set up a factory, first would be China, second would be China and third would be China,” he says. “Today it’s very different.”

李乃熺表示:“5年前,你要是问我在哪里办厂最好,我会说首选是中国,次之是中国,第三还是中国。如今大不一样了。”

There is substantial room for doubt, however, about the long-term impact on China as an Asian manufacturing centre.

然而,工资上涨会对中国作为亚洲制造业中心的地位产生多大的长远影响,很值得怀疑。

Rising labour costs in China are not a new phenomenon. Research by the International Labour Organisation suggests that Chinese wages have been outpacing the rest of Asia for at least a decade.

劳动力成本上涨在中国并不是新现象。国际劳工组织(ILO)的研究表明,至少十年来,中国工资的上涨速度就一直高于亚洲其他地区。

Chinese workers received real wage rises averaging 12.6 per cent a year from 2000 to 2009, compared with 1.5 per cent in Indonesia and zero in Thailand, according to the ILO.

根据ILO的数据,2000年到2009年,中国工人实际工资的年均涨幅为12.6%,而印尼为1.5%,泰国为零。

At about $400 a month, Chinese workers are now three times more expensive than their Indonesian counterparts, and five times as costly as in Vietnam, although they remain considerably cheaper than in Taiwan and Malaysia.

中国工人目前一个月的工资大约是400美元,是印尼工人的3倍,越南工人的5倍,但仍远低于台湾和马来西亚的水平。

However, that simple calculation takes no account of changes in relative productivity. Stephen Roach, chairman of Morgan Stanley Asia, says World Bank data indicate productivity growth in Chinese manufacturing of 10 to 15 per cent a year since 1990.

然而,上述简单计算没有考虑到相对生产率的变化。摩根士丹利亚洲(Morgan Stanley Asia)主席史蒂芬•罗奇(Stephen Roach)表示,世界银行(World Bank)的数据显示,从1990年以来,中国制造业生产率的年增幅在10%至15%之间。

That averages out at close to the same level as annual real wage increases over the last decade, suggesting unit labour costs may have risen very little, if at all.

这与过去十年实际工资的年增幅大致相当,说明单位劳动成本即使有所上升,可能升幅也非常小。

Accenture, the global management consultancy, concluded in a report published on Monday that a minimum wage rise of 30 per cent would cut margins by just 1 to 5 per cent for companies with a large Chinese manufacturing base.

国际管理咨询公司埃森哲(Accenture)在本周一发表的一份报告中得出的结论是:对于在中国拥有大型生产基地的企业来说,最低工资提高30%,仅会使利润率下降1%至5%。

Noticeably, much of the discussion about production shifts relates to labour- intensive, low-margin sectors such as footwear and textiles, which have been relocating for years to Vietnam, Bangladesh, Cambodia and elsewhere.

值得注意的是,有关生产转移的讨论,大多与鞋业和纺织等利润率较低的劳动密集型行业有关,而这些行业多年来原本就已经在不断向越南、孟加拉、柬甫寨等国家迁移。

There is little talk, however, of shifting more complex manufacturing such as silicon chips and flat panel screens, for which labour makes up as little as 2-3 per cent of total costs.

至于硅芯片和平板显示屏等更为复杂的制造行业,则很少传出转移之说。在这类行业,劳动力仅占总成本的2%至3%。

Intel, the US chipmaker, recently opened a $1bn plant in Vietnam, and Hon Hai and Compal, the Taiwanese equipment manufacturers, have also set up assembly plants there.

美国芯片生产商英特尔(Intel)近期在越南投产了一家10亿美元的工厂;台湾设备生产商鸿海集团(Hon Hai)和仁宝(Compal)也在越南开办了组装厂。

However, manufacturing experts doubt that many high-tech companies are planning to abandon China – not least because many rely on suppliers who have co-located in southern China’s vast technology clusters specifically to be near their customers.

然而,制造业专家认为,目前不会有多少高科技公司计划撤离中国,相当重要的原因在于,许多高科技公司都依赖于为了靠近客户而和他们一样坐落在中国南方庞大科技产业区的供货商。

Bhavtosh Vajpayee, head of technology research at CLSA in Hong Kong, says: “It is not possible for these high-tech companies to shift much of their production to Asean countries; they just don’t have the skills and the infrastructure that is needed. It just cannot be done.”

里昂证券(CLSA)驻香港的科技研究主管巴夫托什•瓦杰帕伊(Bhavtosh Vajpayee)表示:“这些高科技公司不可能把大量生产转移到东盟国家;这些国家不具备所需的技术和基础设施。这种事不可能发生。”